In Azerbaijan, winning the war in Nagorno-Karabakh was easier than reconciling with Armenia

BAKU, Azerbaijan – Yusif Budaqov, a young sniper fighting in the army of Azerbaijan in the battle of Nagorno-Karabakh, was killed in October two weeks after his 23rd birthday, one of thousands of casualties in the conflict with Armenia.

His family still mourns over him and patches their home with photos of his childhood and early military days. There are few prospects of reconciling with Armenia, now the fighting is over, his mother, Latafa Budaqova, said.

“It’s not possible,” she said. They ‘came to our land and our children died because of them.’

Azerbaijan and Armenia have been at odds over their conflicting claims to Nagorno-Karabakh for years. The enclave is internationally recognized as part of Azerbaijan, but has been ruled by ethnic Armenians for almost three decades.

Last fall, Azeri forces recaptured the territories. A subsequent ceasefire mediated by Russia in November aimed to end the dispute over the mountainous enclave forever.

A burned truck is sitting on the side of the road in Kalbajar district, Azerbaijan.

But the scale of the losses on both sides and deep-seated hostility make it difficult to recapture and rebuild the shattered province, leaving not only a coffin for Azerbaijan and Armenia, but for Moscow’s broader stability. traditional domain in the South Caucasus.

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“There were many tragedies on both sides. The wounds are very deep, ‘said Natig Jafarli, an Azerbaijani opposition politician.

Some 2,855 Azerbaijani soldiers were killed during the six weeks of fighting that erupted on September 27, according to the country’s Defense Ministry. More than a hundred are still not accounted for. Armenian authorities say more than 3,000 of their troops have died, while the total number of civilian casualties was about 150, according to official counts from Armenia and Azerbaijan.

“There were many tragedies on both sides. The wounds are very deep, “said Natig Jafarli, an Azerbaijani opposition politician who heads a research organization he said worked to establish contacts between Azeris and Armenians in Nagorno-Karabakh. promote degree of reconciliation.

Each blames the other for the conflict of last fall, and although both are former Soviet republics, they are divided by culture, religion and allegiance to the main powers of the region. Azerbaijan is allied with Turkey, while Armenia shares strong ties with Russia, which maintains military bases there.

The conflict over who should control Nagorno-Karabakh, about the size of Delaware, could escalate if the two parties do not build the bridge to each other.

Many Armenians have already called on Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan to resign because he conceded the ceasefire and condemned it as an act of capitulation. Members of the Armenian diaspora in the US, Europe and elsewhere have warned Azerbaijan to grant equal rights and protection to Armenians who prefer to return to areas now under Azeri control.

Azerbaijani officials accuse Armenian forces of using banned cluster munitions against some Azerbaijani villages such as Barda during last autumn’s conflict, a claim supported by a recent Amnesty International report.

Azeri flags adorn downtown Baku, some with the slogan ‘Karabakh is ours’.

A photo of Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev and Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan hanging in a car in Baku.

Each side also accuses the other of continuing to abuse prisoners of war. Both deny the other’s claims.

Hikmet Hajiyev, chief policy adviser to Azeri President Ilham Aliyev, acknowledged that it was difficult to find common ground, but the two parties had already agreed to work together to revive Nagorno-Karabakh’s shattered economy and trade and rail links. to strengthen, an important part of peace. agreement. The deputy prime ministers of Armenia, Azerbaijan and Russia are expected to meet in Moscow on Saturday to begin talks.

“In any military operation, it is sometimes much easier to win the war than to win the peace,” he said. Hajiyev said.

Hikmet Hajiyev, chief policy adviser to the president of Azerbaijan, said it was difficult to find common ground between the two parties.

Ali Hajizade, a political analyst in Baku, said that without reconciliation between ordinary Azeris and Armenians, sustainable peace would be impossible. “It’s an achievable goal, but it’s not possible right now,” he said.

Azerbaijan apparently has the upper hand in the peace process. The military capability funded in part by oil wealth is far superior to that of Armenia. The recovery of territory lost to Armenia during the collapse of the Soviet Union has long been a goal for its leaders and enthusiasm for the territorial gains in Nagorno-Karabakh is palpable.

Celebrations have spread across Azerbaijan since the ceasefire was signed and local media continue to boast of its triumph. At the immigration and baggage halls at Baku International Airport, signs hanging on walls and above passport inspection booths greeted arriving passengers with the statement: “Karabakh is ours. Karabakh is Azerbaijan. ”

“For the past thirty years, the social life of Azerbaijan, the economic life, the foreign policy, you name it, have all been dedicated to just one problem – Nagorno-Karabakh,” said Ahmad Alili, director of the Caucasus Policy Analysis Center. , an independent think tank, said in Baku.

Baku’s Alley of Martyrs, a cemetery and memorial dedicated to those killed by the Soviet Army.

In the Alley of Martyrs, the grave of a soldier who died in the 1992 Nagorno-Karabakh war.

However, those who have lost loved ones in the conflict are anxious not to see their sacrifice as the two countries begin to work for a lasting peace, he warns.

“The only thing left to the parents or wife of a fallen soldier is that the name of the boy or man is not forgotten,” said Mr. Alili said.

Mrs Budaqova said during her last telephone conversation with her son that he should be careful. He told her that a day before their call, about 20 soldiers had died in Fizuli, a district that reclaimed Azerbaijan. Mr. Budaqov are on their way there to secure the area before their bodies could be collected.

From unrest in Belarus and Kyrgyzstan to the conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan, WSJ examines how the crises in Russia’s backyard are a turning point in Vladimir Putin’s government, and puts him in danger of losing influence in the former Soviet Union. Video / photo compilation: Michelle Inez Simon (Originally published on October 16, 2020)

When artillery fire rained, he was caught in a crossfire. A bullet cut an artery in his leg and he was bleeding, his mother said.

She and her sister mourn their loss in the living room which also serves as a sanctuary for Mr. Budaqov. Posters with his photo hang on the outside of the gate and railings, something other families who lost children in the war do as well. The walls inside were covered with photo collages from childhood and when he first joined the army. His image adorns the face of a wall clock hanging next to one of his first army uniforms.

He was not afraid to go to the front, said Mrs. Budaqova said, adding that she believes the war was worth it if Azerbaijan were to regain lost land.

“But if my son was still here, it would be much better,” she said.

Mrs. Budaqova and her sister live in a one-room apartment in Baku, which they decorated with photos of her son.

Write to Ann M. Simmons by [email protected]

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