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French controversy over mosque is not just about state funding – it runs deep in Islamophobia and French secularism
The storm over the construction of the great mosque in Strasbourg has been going on for a long time. Frederick Florin / AFP via Getty Images Among the anti-Muslim slogans discovered on the morning of 11 April 2021 in an Islamic community center in western France, this is a reference to a mosque that has not yet been completed not. “EELV = Traitors” reads the graffiti message, along with others including “No to Islamization” and references to the crusades. It was spray-painted on an Islamic center in Rennes, but the target was Strasbourg’s leading Green (EELV) party, whose members voted on March 22 to build the Eyyub Sultan Mosque – also known as the Strasbourg Grand Mosque – to subsidize with a grant of 2.5 million euros (US $ 3 million), or 10% of the total cost. The construction of the largest mosque in Europe, and in particular the state’s role in its financing, has sparked controversy for many reasons. French Interior Minister Gerald Darmanin condemned Strasbourg’s decision, citing the potential for ‘foreign interference’. His concerns relate to the leadership of the future mosque – the French branch of the Turkish-based Milli Görüs Islamic Confederation, an Islamic political organization for the Turkish diaspora across Europe. A man is praying in the Islamic center of Rennes, which was subjected to racist graffiti two days before the holy month of Ramadan. Jean-Francois Monier / AFP via Getty Images The vote and its setback are also on the heels of a series of measures introduced in France under the guise of strengthening secularism and eradicating radicalization – measures that critics say country’s Muslim population unfairly targets and contributes to a climate of Islamophobia. These include the French Republican Principles Bill passed by the French Senate on April 12, 2021, with stricter regulations on Muslim dress and prayer halls added to the text. Where does the controversy in Strasbourg mosque fit in then? Is it motivated by geopolitical concerns and fears of an Islamic threat? Does this merely reflect confusion over state funding for religion in France? Or is it simply an extension of broader debates about how Islam fits into French secularism? My research on the politics of religion, secularism, Islam and pluralism in the last ten years suggests that it is most likely a mixture of all these factors. Funding for religious buildings One contributing factor to the controversy over the Strasbourg mosque is the confusion over French laws restricting the financing of places of worship. Laws on the separation of church and state, or ‘laïcité laws’, are not particularly applicable to all French territories. In 1905, when church and state were officially separated, certain areas were liberated, such as Guyana, where the Catholic Church is the only recognized religion. At the time, the now French region of Alsace-Moselle – in which Strasbourg is located – was part of Germany. When France recaptured the area in 1918, the region negotiated an exception to the 1905 law, instead of remaining under the Concordat of 1802, which officially recognized certain religions – though not Islam – and direct subsidies by enable the state of places of worship. As such, Strasbourg officials are well within their rights to fund the mosque or any other house of worship, as long as they comply with local laws that limit funding to 10% of construction costs. But just because it’s legal does not mean the move is popular. In a 2021 poll by the French Institute for Opinion and Marketing Studies (IFOP), more than two-thirds of respondents said they oppose all public funding of religious buildings or ministries. The number rises to nearly 79% when it comes to Islamic centers. Specifically, 85% of the total French population said they opposed state funding for the Strasbourg mosque, with 79% of Alsace-Moselle residents against it. Geopolitical fears Such opposition is not formed in an airfield – the mosque’s controversy comes amid broader political debates over foreign intervention and the promotion of an ‘Islam of France’ that matches what is considered national identity. One of the main arguments against the mosque is the result of its leaders’ association with the Turkish Milli Görüs. The French branch of Milli Görüs is one of the few Muslim organizations in France that has refused to sign the recent state-imposed charter of principles of Islam in France. The authors of the charter, the French Council for the Muslim Faith (CFCM), along with the French government that began drafting it, say it serves as a reminder that Republican principles must come before religious beliefs. The charter strictly condemns political Islam and any foreign interference in the management of mosques. But French Milli Görüs leaders accused the state of “interfering with Muslim worship” and political manipulation of Islam. They complain that they were not consulted at all during the drafting of the charter and that Milli Görüs is unfairly accused of being “less Republican” than other Muslim organizations for their abstention from signing. Those who are wary of Milli Görüs’ leadership of the mosque also mention the ties between the group and Turkish President Tayyip Erdoğan’s ruling AKP. This has raised concerns about the possibility of Turkish government interference in French socio-political affairs. This fear of foreign intervention reflects a major policy shift in France over the past decades over how it views foreign ties with French Muslim organizations. Before the 1990s, the French state encouraged such relations in an effort, according to some, to keep Islam ‘foreign’. But that has changed as the public presence of Islam has increased in France and amid suspicions of manipulation abroad. By 2016, then-Prime Minister Manuel Valls had called for a ban on foreign funding for mosques. This ethos continued with provisions in the recent French Republican Principles Bill that require strict declarations of any foreign funding for religious organizations and that provide authorities with the ability to prohibit donations if there is sufficient evidence of a ‘serious threat to the fundamental influence of society. From this point of view, the allocation of state funds for the subsidization of a mosque with foreign ties seems to be contrary to the efforts to promote an ‘Islam of France’ that is more integrated into world French Republican values. Mosques, moderation and Islamophobia Of course, there are those who simply do not want more mosques in France, no matter how they are funded, spurred on by mistaken mergers between radicalization, Islamic separatism and places of worship. But research in the US has shown that attending mosques is often an indication of greater “social and political integration” and civic engagement. Mosques are not just places of worship. They are meeting places, cultural centers, educational centers, community outreach hubs, interfaith facilitators, centers for social resources and even sometimes places for non-Muslims to learn more about Islam. This is especially true of ‘great mosques’ such as the Grand Mosque of Paris or the Grand Mosque of Lyon, where space is deliberately allocated for public visits, educational programs and community events. After visiting Milli Görüs centers in France and talking to some of their members, directors and school officials, I believe these mosques seem to fit into the same profile and community profile. Regardless, many French politicians and ordinary citizens believe that the secular principles underlying French society must be protected from a growing ‘Islamic threat’. Sentiment is running particularly high in the run-up to the 2022 election, in which President Macron may call on voters against immigrants to limit the power of the far right. In such an environment, those looking for Islamic threats seem to find it everywhere. Such intimidation has taught scholars studying Islam and Islamophobia accused of promoting an Islamic left-wing agenda, disbanding the country’s largest anti-Islamophobia organization, and homeschoolers being blamed for radicalizing Muslims. -youth. The controversy surrounding the Strasbourg mosque has clear geopolitical foundations and clearly fits into dominant political narratives about the protection of France’s secular principles. But it also fits in with the popular Islamophobic rhetoric of a ubiquitous Islamic threat – rhetoric that prevents French Muslims from finding and belonging to a community in France, whether in mosques or elsewhere. [3 media outlets, 1 religion newsletter. Get stories from The Conversation, AP and RNS.]This article was published from The Conversation, a non-profit news site dedicated to sharing ideas from academic experts. It was written by: Carol Ferrara, Emerson College. Read more: beheading in France could strengthen the president’s claim that Islam is in crisis – but also French secularism Muslim schools are allies in France’s fight against radicalization – not the reason Carol Ferrara does not work does not receive shares in or funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has not disclosed any applicable commitments other than their academic appointment.