The Daily Beast
The money monster that Mitch McConnell created finally turned him on
Samuel Corum / Getty It seems that Mitch McConnell does not really think that companies are people or that money is speech if the companies involved do not speak his language. Instead, he warned them to ‘stay out of politics’, as they ‘invite serious consequences if they become a vehicle for far left crowds’. Uh huh.Mitch, who then tried to disregard his remarks because ‘I did not say it artistically’, is crazy because big employers in Georgia have finally managed to respond to a law on the oppression of voters there which is written just as well. by Lester Maddox. The companies have expressed in GOP circles the controversial proposal that every American should have the right and opportunity to vote, and that is not what McConnell has reported for, as he has been waging war on behalf of unregulated corporate cash for the past three decades. “right” to corrupt our democracy. What he means, as everyone knows who has watched his incredibly destructive career, is that businesses were welcome to donate wheelbarrows to Republicans, to relieve him of the burden of developing policy ideas to improve Americans’ lives, and to help the He is a horizon of the charisma event. The Christian rights brain behind citizens, United, says it is good for democracy. It also helps him buy off Republicans from the Senate, who happen to be the voters of the Republican leader. It was granted that McConnell could have a career in the Senate. A tribute to Seinfeld might be considered, because it was almost nothing. Except power. As long as companies paid up and shared opinions he liked – low taxes, deregulation, free trade – Mitch was more of a “talk, honest CEO”. The problem is that while our culture has begun to change, so have companies. Some companies are suddenly fueled by leaders who believe in crazy concepts like LGBTQ rights, equal pay and racial equality. Or at least knew that these prescriptions are publicly supported to appeal to their customer base. As for McConnell, you can stay the night, but just leave your check on the bedside table before heading home. To be honest, McConnell has been in that position – that corporate donations are only good as far as they are good for McConnell – as long as he’s been in politics, like Alec MacGillis in The Cynic: The Political Education of Mitch McConnell. In 1973, McConnell published an open preference for the partial public funding of campaigns and the restriction of spending. By 1987, Senator McConnell had sponsored a proposed constitutional amendment that would give Congress the power to limit independent spending on campaigns and the use of personal funds for candidates for their own races. (McConnell was far from rich at the time.) By 1990, he was banning political committees. It was coincidental at a time when Democrats controlled the U.S. House of Representatives with iron classes for nearly four decades, so PACS gave more to Democrats than Republicans. That happened to McConnell in his first Senate race in 1984. The current Democrat he ousted, Walter “Dee” Huddleston, was in favor of McConnell in favor of PACS. He opposed the reform of the campaign funding, challenging the FEC rulings and submitting an amicus letter to limit any contribution that would end up before the Supreme Court. In this way, he was a driving force behind Citizens United. If you think it’s transferred to his thinking about real corporate speech, the kind that comes out of his mouth and not out of his wallet, think again. From a piece I wrote in 2004 about the then-whip McConnell of the Senate: McConnell also knows how to use threats. When a group of Republican senators signed a campaign financing reform measure in the late 1990s, McConnell, in his position as chair of the NRSC, advised them that they could not expect any election support from the committee unless they changed positions. At least one Sen. Sam Brownback (R-Can.) Did so after receiving McConnell’s warning. When the Committee on Economic Development (CED) – a trade group representing large corporations – announced its support for a ban on soft money in 1999, McConnell wrote an angry letter to NRSC letterheads to leaders of companies belonging to CED, and it denies the group’s ‘overall campaign to provoke private sector participation in politics’ and urges them to leave the organization. “I hope you will resign from CED,” he scratches at the bottom of one copy. Many recipients of the letter saw in it an implicit threat that unless they withdrew from the CED and no longer supported the reform effort, their businesses would receive unfavorable treatment from Congress. or another such principle. That’s not it. McConnell has no problem with the MyPillow man talking about a coup or the Goya CEO supporting the riot. But he has a big problem with corporate actors speaking out in favor of voting rights. Because, as evidenced by 2020, McConnell’s party mostly speaks to the Fox News demographic “I fell and I can not get up”, not those who reject an America of transgender bans, stand firm and testify of fetuses. things create a trained workforce, which means increasingly democratic and socially tolerant. And they need to appeal to consumers with disposable income who buy well. Needless to say, these people tend not to live in what you would call ‘the Hannity demographics’. So Mitch does not want these companies to talk. But as Georgia has proven, it will work anyway, because the alternative is to alienate their customers, and no amount of crazy GOP tweets indicating that the league is in the league is an offshoot of the “China Virus” which makes the players read double heads. Dr. Seuss will change that fact. What this all means is that Mitch is finally picking up the whirlwind of the corporate speech he so desperately wanted to unleash in our politics when it benefited him and his party. Read more at The Daily Beast. our top stories in your inbox every day. Sign up now! Daily membership of the beast: Beast Inside goes deeper into the stories that matter to you. Learn more.