The Toma of the Legislative Assembly, the indications of corruption and the concentration of power on the British review to downgrade the classification of the country.
The Economist for the El Salvador Democracy Unity Intelligence Unit is deeply discouraged.
“No other Latin American country has turned to authoritarianism in 2020 as El Salvador,” said the review in its Global Democracy Index.
Hecho, the subscriber’s subsection of the report in question was entitled “Authoritarianism in El Salvador: a dictator in process?”, And from the point of view of the democratic alliance that the country is in transition.
In his medicine, El Salvador had to be registered as a country with a democracy with failures and being converted into one with a “hybrid regime”. This implies a mix of democratic institutions with practical practices of authoritarianism.
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In these regimes, suele has irregularities in elections, pressure and accusations of the governing body in opposition parties, a great deal of corruption and institutional disability. Assimilation, the civil society debilitated, had a systematic attack on the media and ran the Judicial Independence.
Juice-observing inside and out of the country, El Salvador’s governor is accompanied by a variety of proprietary features of the hybrid regimes described by The Economist. Between them, the systematic attack on the Independent Press, the waves in opposition and the discourse of audio that is disrupted by physical violence, a negative one yields points and an instrumentalization of the security forces for the blind to function.
In the index of the seminary, El Salvador has a good result in respecting elections and political pluralism. Without embarrassment, political culture is one of the most flimsy areas. The governor’s function is to ensure that there are indications of corruption in the current administration. Political participation and civil liberties are also the debilitating areas of the country.
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Debate of this category of hybrid regime is the only way to find authoritarianism, but consolidate the austerity of political pluralism. Many of these countries are dictatorships.
Of the 24 countries in Latin America and the Caribbean, El Salvador is in position 17 and is home to other countries with hybrid regimes such as Honduras, Bolivia, Haiti and Guatemala. Debajo de estos, solo están Nicaragua, Cuba y Venezuela como Authoritarian States.
9F
The armed forces of the Legislative Palace on 9 February 2020 are one of the main signs of democratic retaliation for the country in this global medicine of democracy.
This day, President Bukele commanded a military platoon at the Salon Azul, giving his invitation and by force of law to the chair of the Legislative and Resistance, while effective military approaches to the residences of opposition deputies and intimidators.
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After the death of a golfer from Estado, the mandatory salio of the Congress and said that Dios le había pedido paciencia. Without embarrassment, it crossed a line that had not been crossed, including in the armed conflict: militarizing the Congress.
It is the mandate of the mandate to criticize and criticize the constitutional order. For those who have given indications of renovation in their mandate, the reality is that the president has a precarious democratic aptitude. With this precedent, and its act of defiance of institutionalism, in its May edition, The Economist dedicated an article calling Bukele “the first millennial dictator”.
Power consolidation
One of the main points in which the British seminary and a pilgrimage send the authoritarianism in El Salvador is the excessive concentration of power. In addition to closing spaces on the opposition and refusing to enter into dialogue with the Legislative Assembly to find, for example, media to address the COVID-19 pandemic, the Nayib Bukele governing body has taken the Institute of Public Access and Buses opponents with an intention to generate an ‘official voice’.
During the first months of the pandemic, the governing body would issue unilateral executive orders that violate fundamental guarantees, which could not be limited by competition of the Legislature. When the Constitutional Court sees this, the mandate abruptly defies these orders.
This is another point that The Economist considers a step towards authoritarianism by President Bukele: the disobedience of judicial orders.
Finally, the review is pulsating as corruption is gaining ground in El Salvador, particularly in emergencies to address the pandemic. The aggravation, according to the seminar, is that it has not affected President Bukele’s popularity. To follow as well, advised that in the elections, the officialism included including reducing my controls.
“If the president sees this truck, there is a real danger that there will be permanent waves in Salvadoran democracy,” he concluded.