The Road to Joe Biden’s Foreign Policy by Bob Menendez

However, he is hopeful that things will change under Biden – and that he can be the person to bring down Congress.

“Beyond the reality of a 50-50 Senate, when we talk about foreign policy, we are stronger in the world when we can get a dual basis for something – maybe not absolutely,” Menendez (DN.J.) said. said in an interview. “And I believe President Biden believes that.”

However, the White House is starting to get tough. Menendez quickly registered his dissatisfaction last week when the Biden team did not address him over the president’s retaliation against Iranian installations in Syria; and he and other Democrats are already calling for tougher punishments against Saudi Arabia after a US intelligence report officially blamed the murder of journalist Jamal Khashoggi on the crown prince and de facto leader, Mohammed bin Salman.

“I am hopeful that this is only a first step and that the government plans to take concrete measures to hold Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman personally responsible for his role in this heinous crime,” Menendez said in a statement.

It is therefore not surprising that there is an ongoing campaign in the White House to gain favor with Menendez, who was not afraid to break with his party and has a history of making things difficult for presidents who make Congress strong. wants to arm. Keeping Menendez in the fray is critical to Biden’s successes in foreign policy.

“It makes a difference in the world,” Menendez said. “It does not mean we will agree 100 percent of the time. But it does mean that we will understand each other, where we come from – and more likely we will agree. ‘

This is perhaps optimistic.

The Hawken Menendez and the Biden government are unlikely to agree on a handful of key areas: the nuclear deal in Iran, US relations with Cuba, the use of US military overseas and what to do about Nicolás Maduro, the Venezuelan dictator.

Broadly speaking, Menendez has strongly attached authoritarian regimes and he frowns on negotiations or transactions that seem to give concessions to governments. He is unlikely to take it lightly with the Biden team, many of whose members have served under Obama, as they try to salvage agreements such as the Iran deal, or re-establish ties with Cuba – relations that under former President Donald Trump is damaged. He will also insist on a larger Congress if and when the United States uses military force overseas.

The Biden team is “ready to have a good relationship with him. They are going to agree with him on many things, ‘said Ben Rhodes, who served as a key force behind the diplomatic openings with Cuba and Iran during the Obama years.

‘But at some point there’s a Senate view and an administrative view, and unless you want to [Menendez] “Being in control of your Cuba policy, your Venezuela policy or your Iran policy will probably reach a point where you have to have a difficult conversation,” Rhodes said.

A soundboard and an ally

Just a month after the new government, Menendez told POLITICO that Biden’s team had already abandoned the Obama model – which he said did not always appreciate the role of Congress in shaping US foreign policy – and were working closely together with the Senate to seek coordination and input.

Senators indeed have reasons to be optimistic. Biden is a former chair of the Foreign Relations Committee, and Foreign Minister Antony Blinken was the former human resources director of the panel.

“You have not yet had a government with people who understand the role of the Senate, and also how useful the Senate can be,” said Senator Tim Kaine (D-Va.), A senior panel member. foreign relations, said. which is near Menendez. “I think they have a great opportunity to have a very good working relationship with Bob as chairman, given who the players in the administration are.”

But Kaine was one of the harshest critics of Biden’s airstrikes in Syria last week, arguing that the president should have asked for an authorization from Congress. Kaine has been leading the charge for years to scrap the 2001 and 2002 war authorizations used by presidents of both parties to justify US military activities in the Middle East.

Biden’s top delegates, who are apparently eager not to repeat the alleged mistakes of the Obama administration, are already keeping Menendez happy.

In a statement on record to POLITICO, Biden’s national security adviser Jake Sullivan Menendez mentioned ” a sounding board, a source of advice and a leading voice on the most important national security issues of our time. My team and I make it a personal priority to reach out and do this regularly with him and his team. ”

In a separate statement on the record, Blinken promised similar involvement, saying Menendez “proved that he is principled and effective.”

But do not stab the Bob

Menendez’s allies say Biden’s government will cross over at its own risk – especially if Biden is seeking support from lawmakers for a major foreign policy initiative. Menendez’s penchant for working closely with Republicans could be an asset to a government that has come into office and emphasizes duality. And in a 50-50 senate, every vote counts.

“I would encourage the Biden government to choose its brain, because if Bob can achieve anything, the Republicans are going to take it seriously,” Sen said. Lindsey Graham (RS.C.) said in an interview.

Menendez vowed to keep a close eye on the Biden government’s foreign policy – something that was sorely lacking under former President Donald Trump, whose government regularly insulted Congress, ignored the law and was openly hostile to both Democrats and Republicans.

‘If things are not going as well as they should, you should not expect sen. Menendez will not lie. I expect him to be quite aggressive, “said Senator Ben Cardin (D-Md.), The next-door Democrat in the Foreign Relations Committee.

Presidents have long tried to enforce Congress’ efforts to thwart the executive. Cardin experienced the hostility first-hand when he led the indictment in 2012 for the Magnitsky Act, which sanctioned Russian human rights violators. Obama eventually signed the bill, but Cardin said his White House was “hostile to Congress” because lawmakers wanted to discuss an issue traditionally controlled by the executive.

‘There has historically been underperformance by every administration over the handling of Congress. The opinion is that they can do it without us, “Cardin added.

Menendez was of the opinion that the Obama administration did not consult with him enough before making important decisions on foreign policy. Despite his senior position on the committee of jurisdiction, big moves were often presented to him as an accomplished fact, people who know Menendez said.

“They have not consulted enough about the Iran deal. They just don’t have it, “said someone close to Menendez. “They knew it was his number one edition.”

Obama assistance may have had reasons for this – worried that Menendez would draw red lines that would usher in their options. Menendez in particular is reluctant to be soft on authoritarian regimes in places like Cuba and Iran.

Even if the government of Biden Menendez keeps to his satisfaction, he may ultimately not agree with some of their initiatives. But he may not try everything to present obstacles if they keep him informed.

‘I think it’s important to include [us], as long as people are involved in good faith, not just obstruction at the end of the day, ”Menendez said.

Former Obama administration officials agreed that Menendez was busy early on, but was critical, but also said everyone understands the implications of a 50-50 Senate split between the two parties. Menendez does not want to be seen as a treat for his fellow Democrats, some have said.

“I have every reason to believe that this will be a collaborative effort,” said one of the former officials. ‘I do not think [the Biden team] thinks he will try to screw them. ”

It is said that in Biden circles there is some nervousness about the chance of confirmation by the Senate that some of the nominees of the new president who worked on the 2015 agreement with Iran.

Biden’s assistants are particularly concerned about Wendy Sherman, a chief negotiator on the Iran deal nominated to serve as deputy secretary of state. Menendez will play a key role in whether her nomination is approved.

This has led to speculation that one of the reasons why Biden is currently drawing a relatively difficult line over Iran – and demanding that Tehran return to the nuclear deal before lifting the sanctions – is to persuade Menendez and other Iranian hawks because they are Sherman consider its nomination.

“I think they’re worried about nominations,” another Obama administration official said of the Biden team. “That’s part of why I think you’re seeing a tougher line on Iran at the moment.”

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