United States has antarctic agents in Mexico since it was launched. His role changed the rhythm of the needs of the North American giant, which from the middle of the sailing past privileged the war against drugs as the nucleus of its security policy. The efforts of EE UU have always caused news in Mexico. But many times as much as in the case of General Salvador Cienfuegos. His detention in Los Angeles in October and the posterior diplomatic shock between both countries elevated the level of tension in the lives of the Enrique Assessor Kiki Camarena in Guadalajara, in 1985. The question now is what consequences tend to go wide.
Cienfuegos, Secretary of Defense during the presidency of Enrique Peña Nieto (2012-2018), was exonerated last week in Mexico. She was charged with drug trafficking in the United States, but was repatriated in November, following the promise of legal action in her country. The regression of the general, the military mandate of the highest rank to enforce a juice of the other charge of the front, is converted into a question of State, with diplomatic gestures instructed directly by the President, Andrés Manuel López Obrador.
The case was taken in mira the privileged relationship that the mandate had built with the Ejército. The arrest on behalf of the state authorities, without notifying its Mexican colleagues, was a new signal of guest in bilateral security cooperation. To respond to its critics in Mexico, López Obrador goes even further: accusing the DEA of “manufacturing fabrications” and making public the confidential information that the anti-drug agency meets about the military. Washington said it was “deceived” by the Mexican president’s decision and López Obrador made another statement to the agency:
“The relationship between Mexico and the DEA has been marked by crises and surprises,” said Celia Toro, one of the first students to study the agency’s steps in the country. Toro affirms that the Cienfuegos’ apprehension was a precipitous action by the United States, quiza thought that the DEA “notorizes the state” and that it does not consider the consequences that it has in Mexico. The specialist also questioned López Obrador’s decision to escalate the conflict. “In the confrontation there is no possible order, all pleading,” said the professor of El Colegio de México.
The anti-drug operations of EE UU in Latin America are far removed from the gap between good and bad that it has been linked to in the series. Narcos. In his work War on Drugs in the South: The Drug Enforcement Administration in Mexico (1973–1980), the academic Carlos Pérez Ricart recalls the first years of the war against drugs in Mexico. From the 1930s onwards, the United States’ obsession with detaining opium trafficking in the country, an era in which the ampoule cultivations in Chihuahua, Sinaloa, Durango and other territories on the Bravo River increased in importance.
Ricart cuenta que hasta the years quincuenta, the activity of the anti-drug agents limitare to the frontier cities, per entones the foco cambio by the fluke creciente of heroin and cocaine to the north. The FBN, anti-drug agency, opened its first official office in Mexico in 1963. The number of agents created with the years. When the FBN disappeared in 1973, the Gobierno created the DEA. In 1978, there were 58 agencies in Mexico.
The first choices between the agency and the Gobierno de Mexico were made in the 1970s, as a result of the elicitation campaigns of elixir cultivars in Mexico and the participation of the DEA in anti-drug operations. The United States has agreed on its team of herbicides and testing teams to improve results. The DEA has a main paper on this international transport. The coordinator of the erosion efforts of the Gobierno entonces, Alejandro Gertz, hoy fiscal general, dijo que con los herbicidas acabaría el cultivar de drugas medio año. Also, the only ones that stand in the way of herbicides are the road users.
The time has come to see that the cultivation of persistent drugs and those who are not only narcotics, are also campers. Mediators of the emperor embezzled, in addition, the first extrajudicial injunctions in the context of the war against drugs, perpetrated by Mexican agents with the complicity of their partners in the DEA. In 1978, Mexico suspended the DEA’s participation in eradication campaigns.
In addition to the protests of the campers and other explanations that are expensive, Ricart signaled that one of the main reasons would be that of the military. His presence, according to the academic, “offends the extreme sensitivity of the Mexican Ejercito”. For its part, the DEA’s agents suspect that the main motive of the year was the decision of the Ehército to disqualify anyone from supervising and approving its corrupt people.
The idea that a police force can operate more than one of its front lines, initiation, is problematic. The doctor Mónica Serrano, an expert in transnational crime and international relations, signals the “extraterritoriality” of the DEA in particular and the EE UU in general as the germen of the problem. An invasive strategy that converts all of Latin America into an extension of law enforcement estadounidense. Since then, the DEA has had much more power and influence in the United States as within its territory, Celia Toro said.
Para Serrano, Investigator of El Colegio de México, el affair Cienfuegos is herencia de aquella forma to function. “Latin America, as a natural space for North American hegemony, has the scenario of excesses: the capture of Norway in Panama has been considered by the CIA. About the amenaza against [el presidente] Samper in Colombia on the accusations that the drug addict donated money to his campaign. Its actions are contrary to the autonomy of the States, ”argues the academy. “In Mexico, there is no such thing as anything, although there is an antecedent: the episode surrounding the assassin of Kiki Camarena and what is detonated, in terms of EEUU extraterritorial extermination, ”Serrano said,“ although I have not had a Cienfuegos taman incident ”.
The margin of action of the DEA
At the center of the conflict is the devastation of the recipient countries that the DEA crosses demarcated lines and the frustration of state agents over a recent advertisement: corruption, corruption and bureaucratic burdens on their Latin American counterparts. The agency has five regional offices in Mexico with 50 base employees, but only dozens of “informal” agents cross the front to recover intelligence during weeks or months, always advising Gobierno. In this gray area, the agency recruits elements of Mexican origin, which are camouflaged with facility facilities, and has important explanations for intercepting telecommunications communications such as those involved in the capture of Cienfuegos―, a minor, apunta the academic Raúl Benítez Manaut. “Mexico is arguably the highest priority for the DEA,” said the researcher from the Autonomous University of Mexico.
Although the DEA has a more bureaucratic and political profile, its margin of action depends on its importance: the importance of the president’s turn in combating drugs and the flexibility of his Mexican homologue. The legacy of the governing conservators of Vicente Fox (2000-2006) and Felipe Calderón (2006-2012) marked the beginning of an opening without precedent in the DEA and other agencies, which were in various excesses in the first years of the war against the narcotics, according to Benítez Manaut. Peña Nieto and López Obrador decided to launch and launch the Merida initiative, launched in 2008 as the guiding master of the bilateral agenda in Security, which was relegated.
“The case of Cienfuegos confirms that justice is more politicized than ever,” advised Benítez Manaut. With the deadly relationship, the breach between employees has been sanctioned and the margin for operations within the margin and the agreed, increased. López Obrador has launched a series of political messages, such as a reform of the National Security Act which was approved in December for regular actions by foreign agents. Para Toro, no hubo cambios and las reglas del juego. “We want a political agreement that is good for cooperation”, the academic question, “if cooperation is not a mutual benefit, can it be called cooperation?”.
Three decades of shocks and crisis, the experts consulted coincide with that Mexico and the DEA are mutually exclusive. “If the DEA sale in Mexico, they are the narcotics drivers,” Benítez said. The development of the case Cienfuegos, which was not closed in EE UU, can be decisive in marking the tone of the bilateral relationship through the position of Joe Biden, this Wednesday. The first months of Biden, in the power of one of the most complex transitions of history, will also be decisive in restoring contacts and leaving behind the last week’s aggravations, which will cover justice systems, cabinets and lines of both landscapes.