Just a few weeks ago, President Trump lost the presidential election – whether he acknowledged it or not – but he still seemed to have achieved a remarkable feat: his take-no-prisoners, reality-bending style as the leader of the Republican Party was ten at least somewhat confirmed by the results on 3 November.
With him at the top of the ticket, Republican turnout has risen, dropping GOP candidates to avoid the huge losses many have predicted. The Trump campaign’s strategy to increase the turnout among working-class white voters, including many who did not vote in the last election, has apparently borne fruit – at least enough to lighten a way forward for the Republican Party. .
The events of this week have already turned sideways. The Senate has now overthrown the Democratic Republic after Republican senators in Georgia lost the by-elections violated by Trump’s dispute with the state’s Republican leaders.
And then, on Wednesday, in a dark day in the country’s history, Trump sent a herd of his supporters to march to the Capitol and ‘show strength’. Hundreds stormed the building and stormed the Senate chamber, in an unsuccessful attempt to prevent Congress from ratifying Joe Biden’s legitimate election victory.
The chaos left five people dead, including a Capitol police officer whose death was announced late last night, while the country looked terrified. All of a sudden, it seems that Trump’s grip on the party has weakened. So where does that leave Republican leaders?
In short, uncomfortable. Shocked by Wednesday’s violence – and keenly aware of how damaging the party’s rampage can be, among others, moderate voters – a number of Republicans in Congress support their support for Trump’s challenge to the election results.
But nearly 150 GOP lawmakers, including more than 100 in the House, have finally registered their objection to the election college result, which has set an extraordinary precedent.
The reality is that Trump remains the most popular and influential public figure among Republican voters.
Polls since November have consistently shown that most Republicans say they believe the president’s lie about widespread electoral fraud – reflecting not only his personal influence but also the willingness of his supporters to choose Trump-friendly narratives over belief in civil institutions. (Read Jeremy W. Peters‘s short essay below, on how conservative experts are already reformulating Wednesday’s events to absolve Trump of guilt.)
Further complicating matters is the fact that Biden aggressively condemned moderate Americans, including the kinds of suburban and center-right voters that the Republican Party relied on just a decade ago.
Many Republican officials now acknowledge that without the support of anti-institutional, white working-class voters – who generally remain loyal to Trump – they will be left without any basis.
Yet GOP leaders feel the heat. Several prominent members of the Trump administration resigned after Wednesday’s protest, including Betsy DeVos, the secretary of education, and Elaine Chao, the secretary of transportation and the wife of Senator Mitch McConnell, the Republican leader.
The resignations were essentially symbolic, as the government will only last twelve days, and they mostly feel like an attempt by officials to wipe their hands clean and walk away after gradually being on the president’s side for the past four years. stood.
Some observers have called on members of Trump’s cabinet to call for a 25th amendment to deprive him of his powers, and at least one Republican from the House said on Monday he would support such a move.
John Kelly, the estranged former chief of staff of Trump, told CNN yesterday that if he is still in the cabinet, he will support the 25th amendment to oust Trump.
However, a person in his inner circle will oppose Vice President Mike Pence against such an action Maggie Haberman. According to the text of the amendment, Pence and a majority of the cabinet will have to agree to remove Trump from power before January 20.
Teleprompter Trump is back. Considering the outrage of the GOP’s top buyer, the president last night issued a short video address in which he gloomily read of prepared remarks, devoting himself too late to a peaceful transfer of power.
Barely more than 24 hours after receiving a video Trump expressed “love” for his supporters at the Capitol and called them “very special people.” Trump “declared himself angry about the violence, lawlessness and chaos.”
Contrary to what he reportedly resisted resisting sending additional forces to retake the Capitol, Trump claimed he “immediately deployed the National Guard and federal law enforcement to secure the building.”
By this time, this cycle of binge and bust had become known: first, Trump was breaking a norm of American government. Then he remains a mother while indignation arises and apparently the confusion he has unleashed. Finally, after about 24 hours, he presents a significant and well-practiced explanation of composition.
The next step in the process It usually involves Trump jumping back on social media and acting where he left off, bombing his opponents and complaining about ‘unfair’ treatment. But he may not have quite the same chance to do so this time.
Facebook said yesterday that Trump will at least stop using his platforms until he leaves office. Twitter excluded Trump nearly 24 hours after he published his video on Wednesday praising supporters, although his access was later restored.
With only a dozen days left until Biden’s inauguration, it seems that Trump is finally making official transitional ventures happen.
He sent a letter to his ambassadors and other political appointees yesterday instructing him to resign – a move a typical outgoing president would take weeks ago.
The Chief of the US Capitol Police, Steven Sund, said yesterday he will resign next week. A wide range of critics, including Speaker Nancy Pelosi, have raised questions as to why his officers were not better prepared for the Capitol attack.
Many also pointed out that officers appeared to be standing aside while rioters stormed the building, and they asked why so many of the intruders were not arrested.