DUBAI, United Arab Emirates (AP) – Qataris woke up 3 1/2 years ago to a surprise blockade and boycott by its Arab neighbors on the Gulf, and this week it was shocked again by the sudden announcement that it’s all over .
The period in between was bitter, with mudslinging from both sides and viscous media flashes, social media trolling, costly lobbying in Washington and allegations of hacks and leaks. Criticism of the boycott was a criminal offense in Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain and Egypt because the four wanted to punish Qatar.
Qatar’s resolution on the assault showed how little the campaign had achieved as the small but influential American ally with its ties to Turkey, Iran and Islamists.
“In terms of foreign policy, the international relations of the blockade, Qatar does not have to change much because the blockade was on such shaky ground to begin with,” Jocelyn Sage Mitchell, an assistant professor of residence, told the North-West University’s campus in Qatar, said. .
She said the quartet’s efforts to isolate Qatar internationally had failed. This, coupled with an incoming Biden government in Washington, which is expected to take a firmer stance towards Saudi Arabia and reconnect with Iran, puts Qatar in a strong negotiating position.
“I do not expect there to be concessions or significant changes from Qatar,” Mitchell said. “Doha is actually used, and recognized, and welcomed because they can be the ally in the middle.”
On Monday night, Saudi Arabia ended its embargo, opened its airspace and in the coming days its land crossing to its small neighbor of the Gulf. On Tuesday, the Arab leaders of the Gulf and a representative of Egypt met in Saudi Arabia and signed a declaration to start a new page in fraternal relations, effectively ending the isolation of Qatar among the quartet.
The fact that Saudi Arabia’s Crown Prince adopted Qatar’s reigning emir on his arrival at the summit was so strong that he later drove him to see historic desert sites in the area. In a pinch for their fraternal ties, the emir of Qatar ends up in a plane named after an ancient city in Saudi Arabia, the surrounding Najd region, the birthplace of his tribe Bani Tamim.
The emir of Qatar, Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad Al Thani, was 37 years old when the crisis broke out in mid-2017, which was the biggest political challenge of his rule.
In the early days of the boycott, concerned residents rushed to grocery stores in the capital Doha, emptying shelves of milk and other imported food items. The Qatari government immediately took advantage of its substantial cash reserves, using alternative shipping and aviation routes, flying in thousands of livestock to ensure a steady supply of fresh dairy and deepening alliances with Turkey and Iran.
Qatar has also used its strategic location in the Persian Gulf as the largest producer of liquefied natural gas in the world to continue shipping to the major world powers. Building supplies were diverted, enabling Qatar to continue building new roads, hotels and mega-stadiums as it prepares to host the 2022 FIFA World Cup.
Sheikh Tamim’s determination and handling of the crisis has polluted his popularity at home. His statue was plastered on tall buildings and car windows with promises of loyalty and slogans praising him as “glorious.” The National Museum of Qatar has dedicated a gallery to the country’s singles under its leadership amid the crisis.
The young ruler, now 40, was seen as a ‘steady, steady, wise and mature hand at the helm’, said Mitchell, who has lived in Qatar for 13 years and has seen the country of 2.7 million people around their leader rallies.
Economically, the rich rich nation got the blocks. Qatar Airways says it has lost billions of dollars by blocking the quartet’s airspace and markets.
Despite the pressure, Qatar’s ability to assert its sovereign independence has been strengthened by the crisis.
After the embargo ended, Qatar could soften some of its policies, but it is unlikely to sever ties with Turkey, said Ayham Kamel, head of the Middle East and North Africa division of Eurasia Group.
“As a result, all Gulf countries will not adjust their foreign policy,” he said. “These issues could become problematic again, as Qatar’s support for Muslim Brotherhoods across the region could become significant.”
Days after the crisis broke out, the quartet issued a list of 13 demands to Qatar, ordering the closure of its Al Jazeera news network, the expulsion of a small group of Turkish troops from its territory, the ties with the Muslim Brotherhood to cut and political dissidents living in exile there.
Qatar has rejected the claims. Although it erases domestic discord, Qatar has cited its support for Islamic opposition groups in other Arab countries as a sign of its tolerance and pluralistic approach.
When Becky Anderson of CNN was asked about the list on Tuesday, a top Emirates diplomat underestimated its significance.
“The 13 demands at the time were what I would consider a maximum negotiating position,” Anwar Gargash said.
He pointed to the new public attitude of the UAE and said that the focus now is on the beginning of the healing process. Yet he said one has to be realistic about the way forward.
“The issue of rebuilding trust is one that takes time, energy and a lot of transparency,” he said, adding: “We need to work on making this agreement fairly watertight in many ways.”
On Wednesday, Qatari news sites, including the Doha-based Al Jazeera English and Arabic pages, were still blocked in the United Arab Emirates. However, there was a tangible shift in tone in the state-linked newspapers, which showed a new understanding. Newspapers in the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia led with cover photos of Tuesday’s Gulf summit and positive headlines of the rift.
Although tensions have eased, there is also deep skepticism among Arab Gulf citizens. Families marrying Qataris were divided, Qataris living in the UAE and Saudi Arabia were displaced, and social ties weakened by the crisis.
“If you connect with these countries through family and friendship, it’s painful to see how it comes down to what it did,” said Ahmed Al-Omran, a Saudi analyst and author of the Riyadh newsletter.
“People I think would be happy to see and hear less nasty conversations in the media, and personal attacks and all this ugliness that characterized this dispute.”
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