Jordan’s Royal Feud sends shock waves through the country’s traditional tribes

The traditional tribes of Jordan have long provided crucial support for the Hashemite rulers of the Middle East kingdom, with members filling the ranks of the army, police and intelligence service. And some took to the streets to reject their members’ treatment.

In an apparent sign of rapprochement, the palace on Sunday released a photo in which Prince Hamzah, along with King Abdullah and other royals, took part in an event commemorating the monarchy’s 100th anniversary. But the upheaval of the past week may continue through Jordanian society.

During a rally on Saturday in the Shafa Badran district of Amman, the Jordanian capital, members of the Anaizat tribe demanded the release of one of their own, a retired lieutenant colonel who served as one of Prince Hamzah’s guards. .

A group of about 100 men stood on the island from a traffic roundabout, limited in size due to concerns about Covid-19, which paralyzed the tourism-dependent economy of Jordan. They hold up signs or shout ‘Freedom’ and ‘Down with the security grip’.

Ordinary security officers moved among them and recorded videos.

Prince Hamzah, who is effectively under house arrest, is popular among the tribes who see in him a copy of his father, the beloved late King Hussein. Unlike King Abdullah, who grew up largely abroad, the prince is proficient in local Jordanian dialects and tribal customs and regularly visits tribal communities.

Tribal figures say they support the entire Hashemite dynasty, and despite any personal preferences, they say they do not want to be drawn into what they see as an internal family conflict.

Majali, who runs the private office of Prince Hamzah, was bundled into a black SUV while security guards aimed weapons at his family members, his brother said. Mr. Majali’s cousin, Samir al-Majali, was similarly snatched from a main street where he was shopping.

The government said the detainees were being investigated and could be referred to the state security court. The men’s family members push back, organize demonstrations and demand that the men be released or the least charged and gain access to a lawyer.

“We will not remain silent on this subject,” Nasser al-Majali, one of Mr Majali’s brothers, told The Wall Street Journal in the house where the raid took place. “It feels like we’re against it.”

Jordan’s government spokesman did not respond to a request for comment. The office of Amman’s state prosecutor and security officials, including the state security court, could not be reached for comment during a long holiday weekend.

While Western diplomats and analysts say the situation is unlikely to cause an immediate government crisis in a country already plagued by civil wars in Iraq and Syria, they say there could be potential for lasting damage. monarchy celebrates its centenary.

“If left untreated, these wounds are cumulative and will spread across so much of body politics that you will eventually not be able to bind them,” said one Western diplomat. “It’s just going to be one more crack in the civil-state relationship.”

Jordan’s neighbors and allies quickly joined King Abdullah, who is an indispensable partner for the United States, Israel and Saudi Arabia. In 2018, Washington pledged to provide Amman with at least $ 1.275 billion in foreign aid for each of the next five years.

The relationship between the tribes and the monarchy dates back to the country’s modern founding after World War I, when the British helped install the Hashemites. In exchange for the support of the new rulers against the Ottomans on the battlefield, the tribes – who had lived in Jordan for centuries – received work and basic services.

By 1970, more Palestinian residents, displaced from areas under Israeli control, had surpassed Jordan’s existing population. So-called East Bankers (unlike Palestinians from the west of the Jordan River, which marks the border with Israel) maintained an almost monopoly on positions in the security services and government, while people of Palestinian descent worked in the private sector.

As the population increased to several hundred thousand in 521 million in 1921 when King Abdullah came to power in 1999 and then doubled again with an influx of refugees, government finances struggled. Privatization policies and corruption further exacerbated the feelings of marginalization and inequality among the tribes.

Fares Braizat, a former Jordanian minister who now runs a research and advisory firm in Amman, said economic liberalization had hurt some Jordanians, especially in tribal areas.

But he rejects the idea that dissatisfaction would change the fundamental relationship between the monarchy and the tribes, pointing to historical challenges that did not break it, such as an attempted coup in 1957 and unrest a decade ago during the Arab Spring. protest.

Widespread protests, however, have brought governments in Jordan down, most recently in 2018 after the government tried to raise taxes and prices for fuel and electricity.

Write to Stephen Kalin by [email protected]