Conservatives in the High Court want to overturn abortion rights – but can not agree on how

The objectives of individual judges, based on their recent writings, range from the reversal of Roe v. Wade to ban clinics from challenging restrictions on behalf of women to the relaxation of the standard that states must meet to restrict women’s access to the procedure.

Judge Samuel Alito set a decade-old precedent that allows doctors and other third parties to sue states over regulations that could infringe on the rights of a pregnant woman. His position would reduce the challenges to abortion laws.

New internal tensions in the centuries-old controversy have emerged as the six justices appointed by the Republican differ to limit precedents and sharper clashes with the three remaining democratic liberals of the court.

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The judges could move one step closer to their next chapter if they meet privately Friday to consider whether they want to lift the Mississippi abortion ban after 15 weeks of pregnancy.

Then the newly reconfigured court might want to wait to take any dramatic action on abortion. Numerous related laws are on the way as states pass new bans, including Arkansas’ near-total abortion ban passed earlier this month, with no exceptions for rape or incest cases.
Although the number of abortions nationwide has declined over the decades, cultural and religiously hampered state restrictions and subsequent litigation have not diminished. The conflict deepened on the increasingly conservative high court. Former President Donald Trump, who has nominated three new judges, has promised to appoint judges who are opposed to Roe against Wade.

If the judges took a 15-week abortion ban and reversed the decades-old precedent, it would exacerbate national divisions. Even if the judges eventually deny the Mississippi petition, the case could give individual judges the opportunity to issue statements regarding the denial and lay out their arguments for future feedback of reproductive rights.

Mississippi officials have filed an appeal against a ruling by the U.S. Court of Appeals that invalidates the 15-week ban because precedent from the Supreme Court prevents bans on abortions that precede viability, that is, when the fetus could not be outside the womb do not live.
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Referring to the traditional balancing of the interests of the Supreme Court, the Court of Appeal wrote: “To viability, it is the woman, not the state, to weigh any risks to the health of the mother and to uphold personal values ​​and beliefs. consider deciding if she should have an abortion. ”

The pending Mississippi case is already showing signs of conflict between the judges: they have considered the action over the dispute for almost six months, but postponed it, listing it in private sessions for discussion, but have not yet said whether they would reject it. , as they have similar cases of abortion bans during early pregnancy, or plan the controversy for oral argument and decision.

Disputes in this area of ​​law almost always amount to the vote of a single judge and create tension around.

“In the country, people have very strong feelings,” Liberal Judge Stephen Breyer said during oral arguments in an abortion case in Louisiana in 2020, “and many people think morally that it’s wrong and many people think morally that the opposite is wrong. ”

On the current bench, judges Thomas (72), Alito (70) and Gorsuch (53) put out relatively solid ground. Roberts, 66, and Justice Brett Kavanaugh, 56, voted to ease the legal test on the state’s regulation of abortion and sent mixed signals about the prevailing nuclear precedent.

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The new, sixth Conservative court, Judge Amy Coney Barrett, 49, of the court, has yet to write about an abortion case. Before joining the bank, she expressed skepticism about reproductive rights.

During her confirmation hearing in October, then-Senate Judge Lindsey Graham, a Republican in South Carolina, of Barrett, a devout Catholic, stated: “This is the first time in American history that we have nominated a woman who shamelessly lifelong and embraces her faith without apology. ‘

Barrett, in his testimony, refused to express her opinion, saying she could not ‘commit’ in advance “on the subject of abortion.

On the left of the bench, Justices Breyer (82), Sonia Sotomayor (66) and Elena Kagan (60) consistently voted to reaffirm abortion rights and reduce the power of states to restrict women’s access to the procedure.

Attorney General Lynn Fitch urged the judges to hear Mississippi’s appeal of the lower court’s decision, and asked the court to clarify its standard, to refuse clinic cases on behalf of women and to erase dividing line for restrictions based on the viability of the fetus.

The Jackson Women’s Health Organization, represented by lawyers from the National Center for Reproductive Rights, opposed the Supreme Court’s ruling for nearly 50 years that states may not prevent a woman from terminating her pregnancy before the fetus is outside her body. could not survive.

“Before viability,” they wrote, “the state’s interests, whatever they may be, cannot dominate a pregnant person’s interests in their freedom and autonomy above their own bodies.”

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Where Alito and Thomas want the court to go

In the original abortion test, Roe v. Wade, the judges declared that women have a constitutional right to privacy that covers the decision to terminate a pregnancy.

Current standards can be traced back to a 1992 landmark, Planned Parenthood of Southeastern Pennsylvania v. Casey, when the court upheld Roe’s statement that women have the right to abortion before viability, which put the judges at 23-24 weeks, and the government banned an “undue burden” on the right.

Thomas was very challenging to encourage his colleagues to reconsider these decisions.

‘Roe is very wrong for many reasons,’ he wrote in a dissenting opinion when the court rejected an abortion regulation in Louisiana in 2020, ‘but the most important thing is that the essence of it is that the Constitution protects her right to abort her. unborn child – finds no support in the text of the fourteenth amendment. ”
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In separate cases in 2019, he claims: ‘From the outset, birth control and abortion have been promoted as a means of achieving eugenics’ and calls the standard’ unnecessary burden ‘from the 1992 Casey decision’ a deviation from the constitution ‘and’ demonstrably erroneous. ”

Alito focused on the legal position of third parties, that is, the ability of one party to assert a right on behalf of another with common interests.

He says it creates conflicts of interest between abortion providers and the women seeking their services; advocates for abortion rights argue that clinics are better positioned to affirm rights than women who are pregnant and particularly vulnerable to harassment.

In the Louisiana controversy over religious requirements for doctors who perform abortions, Alito wrote: “The idea that a regulated party can invoke the right of a third party to address the legislation enacted to protect the third party is Given the apparent conflict of interest, the concept would be rejected out of hand in a case that does not involve abortion. ‘Alito and Thomas and Gorsuch joined in that part of his opinion.

In the same case – June Medical Services v. Russo – Gorsuch wrote that the court owed greater respect to the state legislators. He also criticized a balancing test used by a court majority in an abortion case in 2016 and called for by liberals in 2020, as’ little more than the judicial version of a hunter’s stew: throw in everything that looks interesting “Stir and flavor to taste.”

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The test, set out in a 2016 lawsuit filed by Texas law, requires judges to balance the health benefits a ordinance can offer to pregnant women with their potential burden on an abortion.

The Louisiana case in 2020 involved a medical restriction similar to the Texas criterion. Based on the 2016 case, Roberts provided the fifth vote to Liberals to invalidate the Louisiana version. But he, like his conservative brothers, found the standard from the 2016 case flawed.

(He did not want to sign the Breyer opinion to which Sotomayor, Kagan and the late Judge Ruth Bader Ginsburg joined.)

Roberts’ closer approach will give state lawmakers greater discretion and increase their ability to justify abortion restrictions.

Referring to the standards set by the Supreme Court in 1992 setting out standards, Roberts wrote in the 2020 case: “Nothing about Casey has suggested that the cost and benefits of an abortion regulation are a task for the court.”

And the chief justice, who is no longer the heavy voice on abortion but is still influential, added that an attempt to do so “would require us to act as legislators, not as judges.”

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