Bukele todopoderoso – Infobae

El Salvador President Nayib Bukele (Reuters)
El Salvador President Nayib Bukele (Reuters)

Salvadoran democracy has lost an autocrat. The Venice has been in existence for a year, and it is here, in all its splendor. If Nayib Bukele is called, from May 1st, this country will be governed by the place.

On February 28, the Salvadorans will vote to elect 84 deputies and 262 members. Nuevas Ideas, the party that defines itself as the “N of Nayib”, is trained in a comic strip by a tunda to its adversaries. If the final content is realized, then the preliminaries will clear the trend, with more than 90 per cent scored. Bukele ganaron’s alcaldes candidates 13 of the 14 departmental cabeceras. His candidates and deputies, including the alliance with another party, won 61 of the 84 deputations.

The positive adjective of the anterior paraphernalia is not a distress. These candidates are ours. Those who do not have any media coverage or campaign propaganda campaign with the photo of Bukele and promote loyalty to his leader. To draw the vote, the party will fill the space of spectacular giants that only contain a solid foundation and a huge N blank in the middle. La N del todopoderoso.

El Salvador has changed. There is no country with the correlation of political forces that our governor has throughout the post. For 29 years, after the Peace Accords, the political parties dominated the political power: Frente Farabundo Martí para la Liberación Nacional (FMLN), a la izquierda, y la Alianza Republana Nacionalista (Arena), a la derecha. With these elections, the polarization that our carcass has been extending for decades is extending: ¿FMLN o Arena? And it’s an impressive end otra polarization equal to simplistic and nocturnal: ¿Bukelista o no?

With 61 deputies, Bukele has no need for any other legislative bank than that of his allied party, which has promised absolute fidelity and has already signed the presidency in 2019 when it was formed by New Ideas. The opposition has lost its relevance. In the Salvadoran Legislation, 56 is the magic number. It is known as the qualified majority, the capacity to approve the presumption of justice, legal reforms, the suspension of constitutional guarantees or the number of magistrates of the Supreme Court of Justice.

(Reuters)
(Reuters)

The traditional parties quedaron in a deep coma. Sobrevivirán artificially, preserving some curls, with people being sent to parliament as their presence powder will serve some. The exguerrilla, for example, the FMLN, obtuvo cuatro escanños. The minor record of its history was of 21 deputies in the 1994 elections, when the recent war and the ghost of communism todaavia was used to expect voters. Arena obduvo 14 escanños esta vez, lo que significance dat tendra 23 menos los los ahora mismo tiene.

As of Mayo, Bukele the bastard will provide the telephone to arrange for a permit to be issued or for tax and other payment.. The large majority of voters will decide whether to oppose the power, no legislative debate, no necessary consensus, no opposition. And to say no to pluralism and the system of controls that characterizes democracy has taken its toll on the car of autocracy. As gustan says the demagogues of the plaza: the people have habled, the sober has expressed himself in the urns. A small society taught by the democratic principles has confirmed its caudillo. A society with its precarious public education and so much inequality has become, more so than with arguments, its new messiahs.

El Salvador does not impose an autocrat on him: the country has chosen it.

What do you think are the salvadoran voters? To the accumulation of power in a man of 39 years who has demonstrated his authority, little transparency and unity of the Independent Press. But also a man who agrees, mainly with slogans and demagoguery, that he is not like “the always of us”, although the capital side of the FMLN is alcalde; that ofreción logros incontestables también, as well as unexplained, as the reduction of homicides without precedents during his first year of office, that he attributes to a plan that he has not allowed that nadie vea and analysis, and no to his demonstrations with the Maravat – 13, de las que tanto le incomoda hablar.

Bukele het gewys ropas muy diferentes a las de sus antecesores y es hababil manéjando el Twitter en un país donde el anterior presidente no Sabia ni cuál era su suusario en esa red. Without embarrassment, on the margins of the symbols, there are many riots of the political class that took place in El Salvador: despite his mandate, he carried out various denunciations of corruption and nepotism, his attacks on the press, including fraudulent advertising cards. estadounidenses and its lack of transparency has led it to dismantle little by little the institution guaranteeing public information. Bukele luce diferente, pero en el fondo se parece mucho a los que ha logrado sacar del hemiciclo legislativo.

(EFE)
(EFE)

Following the elections of 2024, Bukele governs El Salvador with a power that no one has held in the post office. His discourse will legitimize any of his actions in a racist idea of ​​democracy. The president apologizes for the mistake. But also has a new reto. If the acabo su suigo. The idea of ​​an opposition that blocks all its initiatives and does not permit it to regulate this country also ends in these elections. Tener todo al poder también means tener toda liability. Be the one who loads the jar also implies also the one responsible if he breaks.

Pero Bukele feels he has the style of extending politics as a permanent conflict that he has to deal with.

Without opposition to the death, the Prime Minister predicts what will happen: the president will look for new ones to follow using his good and bad narratives. One of the predisposed ones to fill this space will be ours, the press and the periodicals. The president never took on the role of the Independent Press. Su jugada —exitosa dentro de las fronteras nacionales – ha sido present to this press as a political opposition. I believe that this animated version will have to occupy a main place on the altar of the Presidential Odyssey.

Haberle committed the absolute power to Bukele would have serious consequences that would perpetuate the political imagination as a new form of leadership: the discretion by the State of law and dialogue, the attacks on the press, the lack of transparency, the perpetuation of nepotism and the amiguism, the deformation of the public institutions up to those who are obedient líder. A State at the service of a man.

The prince lived in the miracle of Bukele since before assuming the presidency. Hacer periodismo cada vez más difikile a causa del acoso las las amenazas de functionierios del gobierno. From now on, it will be more difficult. But this is the moment when El Salvador has the most necessary and serious periodism.

To periodic colleagues suggest self-reflection and templating. It will be necessary to understand the new scenario and reinvent our procedures to protect our resources, cover the organs of the State or, unscrupulously, make our work difficult to call.

In the civil society organized the similar necessities: rear arm to vigil at power, transform to dialogue with the convened and walk as well, step by step, one more time, this road is never crossed by all, with the intention of going to a democracy and fuerte.

© The New York Times

Óscar Martínez is the editor in chief of El faro, author of Loose migrants are not important y A history of violence y employee de El Niño de Hollywood, on MS-13.

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