The $ 1.9 billion “rescue” package that Biden launched last week – a big ticket bid to revive a coronavirus-devastated economy – is getting the Republicans’ cold shoulder. And some Democrats, eager to act quickly, are beginning to question whether it makes sense to try to win their support.
For Biden, who has identified himself as the Democrat in the best position to break the Capitol Hill roster, the story of his presidency could be well written in the coming weeks, as the work to draft the bill and vote wrestling for it, start serious. But even in the face of Republican opposition and Democratic anxiety, Biden is betting on himself and a team of experienced negotiators to deliver not only a massive aid package, but also a victory that will justify one of the core points of his political life – that there is always room and reason to negotiate with partisan enemies.
Biden’s attitude is less clear. He has supported the retention of the filibuster in the past, but hedged in comments last summer, saying his stance could change depending on “how uncompromising (Republicans) become.” When asked on Friday where Biden is currently, White House press secretary Jen Psaki will simply say that his “position has not changed.”
Moving on to budget reconciliation or getting rid of the filibuster would be a virtue in Biden’s claim to be a master negotiator. But that may be the only way to give relief to those Americans who are desperate for it.
‘Biden should give McConnell a chance to see if he’s going to play ball, but I think there’s a time limit to that. I do not think Biden has the luxury of waiting forever. I think there are three months, four months at most, ‘said former Senate leader Harry Reid, who during his time in the Senate worked with both Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell, a Kentucky Republican, and Biden. “There will come a time when the filibuster will have to go. It’s not a question of whether it is, it is a question of when it will go.”
Reid acknowledged that Biden’s political brand would get rid of the filibuster – or any attempt to reconcile the Republicans. But the Nevada Democrat argued that his former colleague would likely have to choose between an icon of duality and a president with a long list of accomplishments.
“You can not do both … His legacy will be judged by what he is done. If (Republicans) are going to stop him from getting something done, his legacy will not be a good one,” he said. Reid said earlier. He put a finer point on it: “Joe Biden will be recognized for what he has achieved. And he will not be recognized for ‘I got along with everyone. We did not do everything, but I was sure good for everyone. ‘ “
Psaki said during her first briefing on Wednesday night that Biden would be “quite involved” in the negotiation process, pointing out that he has been in the Senate for 36 years as proof that his involvement can yield results. But she also suggested that Biden would not hesitate to cut the bait.
“His clear preference is to proceed with a dual bill. There is no doubt about it,” Psaki said. “But we are also not going to take any tools off the table for how the House and Senate can do this urgent package.”
One of Biden’s top advisers, Brian Deese, director of the National Economic Council, confirmed on Friday afternoon that he would speak to a dual group of senators on Sunday.
“As for the message, it’s pretty clear,” Deese told reporters. “We are in a difficult moment for the virus and the economy. Without decisive action, we could run the risk of falling into a very serious economic hole, even more serious than the crisis we are in.”
Some Democrats, however, are already urging Biden not to hang on hoping to win a dual, filibuster majority. Their ranks include veterans of the Obama administration’s protracted and ultimately fruitless quest to win more than a decade ago Republican support for the Affordable Care Act.
Kathleen Sebelius, a former Kansas governor who was Obama’s first secretary of health and human services, said she learned the hard way to wait too long for Republican support – something former Sen. Max Baucus, the Democrat, said. in Montana, who was the chairman of the Senate’s finances during the process, promised but could not deliver – could cause real political damage.
“There’s not much time to waste,” Sebelius said of Biden’s relief. “He’s wise to bring it up early, say, ‘I want dual support,’ and then do everything in his power to get everything he can, as quickly as possible, because people are really hurting.”
The long process of passing Obamacare enabled the Republicans to garner opposition and positioned them to use the law – which was still mostly an abstraction after its inception in early 2010 – as a hug during the midterm elections. of that year, when the Democrats were ‘undone’ as Obama then put it. A similar delay, Sebelius added, threatened to hamper Democratic efforts to retain, or possibly expand, their majority of Congress in the 2022 election.
“People need to feel the impact of what is happening fast. They need to know that their lives are better,” Sebelius said. “Things that are very tangible must happen visibly and quickly.”
Democrats in the Senate are keeping a close eye on their IDP counterparts and remain “overwhelmingly optimistic” about the White House proposal and the messages about it, according to a senior assistant of a caucus member.
“There is no heartburn over Biden’s initial game to make it twofold, to get across the aisle,” the assistant said, adding that there is also “no illusion” among Democrats about the prospect of Republicans board will not come – a reality Susan Collins’s recent comment by moderate Maine GOP senator Susan Collins, questioning the need for more spending.
The plan, the assistant said, was simple: ‘We celebrate it, we celebrate it, we say we want to cross the aisle – and at the same time we have to move calmly to pursue something of this. policy agenda through reconciliation. “
Some Democrats, especially in the progressive ranks of the party, have questioned the strategy or indicated that they want to act quickly – with or without IDP support.
“I believe President-elect Biden has a very optimistic view of the Republican Party. He has made statements in the past (and said) once Trump is gone, they will see the mistake,” said Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, representative of New York. told reporters after a virtual city hall last week. “I applaud his optimism, but disagree with his assessment.”
“The danger we face is not too great or too much spending, but too small and leaving the needs of the American people behind,” the independent wrote in Vermont. “If Republicans want to work with us, we must welcome them. But their support is not necessary.”
The tension between the more aggressive approach of Sanders and fellow progressives, such as Senator Elizabeth Warren of Massachusetts, was one of the core conflicts of the Democratic primary in 2020. Biden eventually emerged in part because a wider range of Democratic voters embracing conciliatory pitch.
In some quarters, Biden has also benefited from the view that almost everything he supports, due to his long record of taking moderate positions in the Senate and as vice president, was definitely the moderate approach – even if he left the ground. protruding from where the Obama administration landed.
The brand is likely to help the newly inaugurated president, as he tries to convince the public that fulfilling his biggest campaign promise – the unification of a severely divided country – and the approval of a massive bill on Covid’s assistance will not help. conflict is not.